<<<<< Want proof of the change withing the Democrat Party? Read JFK's Inaugural Address. Obama and his cohorts would never craft such a speech --- and have not. The difference? JFK believed in the sovereignty and inherent goodness of this country as defined by its Founders. Obama does not.
"Ask Not
What Your Country Can Do For You"
John F.
Kennedy's Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961
[red highlights are mine, of course, and mark those statements and comments never used by the New Democrat Party of our day - blog editor]
We observe today not a victory of party, but a
celebration of freedom — symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning —
signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty
God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three
quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds
in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all
forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our
forebears fought are still at issue around the globe — the belief that the
rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of
God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs
of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe
alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans — born
in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud
of our ancient heritage — and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing
of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to
which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us
well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,
support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the
success of liberty.
This much we pledge — and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual
origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is
little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little
we can do — for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split
asunder.
To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks
of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not
have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not
always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to
find them strongly supporting their own freedom — and to remember that, in the
past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up
inside.
To those peoples in the huts and villages
across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our
best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required —
not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes,
but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor,
it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border,
we offer a special pledge — to convert our good words into good deeds — in a
new alliance for progress — to assist free men and free governments in casting
off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot
become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbours know that we shall
join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let
every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its
own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the
United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have
far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support — to
prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective — to strengthen its shield
of the new and the weak — and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make
themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides
begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed
by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only
when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that
they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of
nations take comfort from our present course — both sides overburdened by the
cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly
atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the
hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew — remembering on both sides
that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to
proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to
negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us
instead of belabouring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate
serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms — and
bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of
all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of
science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the
deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and
commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of
the earth the command of Isaiah — to "undo the heavy burdens -. and to let
the oppressed go free."
And if a
beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides
join in creating a new endeavour, not a new balance of power, but a new world
of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. [this statement was why I was a young democrat]
All this will not be finished in the first 100
days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this
Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us
begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in
mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country
was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony
to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to
service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again — not as a
call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though
embattled we are — but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle,
year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation" — a
struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war
itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and
global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more
fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few
generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of
maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility — I welcome it. I do
not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any
other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this
endeavour will light our country and all who serve it — and the glow from that
fire can truly light the world.
And so,
my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you
can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what
America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or
citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and
sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward,
with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we
love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's
work must truly be our own.
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