Updated for additional commentary
A World that Stands as One
July 24th, 2008
Berlin, Germany
Thank you to the citizens of Berlin and to the people of
Germany. Let me thank Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier for
welcoming me earlier today. Thank you Mayor Wowereit, the Berlin Senate, the
police, and most of all thank you for this welcome.
I come to Berlin as so many of my countrymen have come
before. Tonight, I speak to you not as a candidate for President, but as a
citizen - a proud citizen of the United States, and a fellow citizen of the
world.
I know that I don't look like the Americans who've
previously spoken in this great city. The journey that led me here is
improbable. My mother was born in the heartland of America, but my father grew
up herding goats in Kenya. His father - my grandfather - was a cook, a domestic
servant to the British.
At the height of the Cold War, my father decided, like so
many others in the forgotten corners of the world, that his yearning - his
dream - required the freedom and opportunity promised by the West. And so he
wrote letter after letter to universities all across America until somebody,
somewhere answered his prayer for a better life.
That is why I'm here.
[ As you might know, his father had nothing to do with his life, Obama meeting his father only once, when he was 10 years old. There were letters, but nothing of fatherly significance. His father's dreams are more Obama's fantasy than a feigned unity between father and son]
And you are here because you too know
that yearning. This city, of all cities, knows the dream of freedom. And you
know that the only reason we stand here tonight is because men and women from
both of our nations came together to work, and struggle, and sacrifice for that
better life.
Ours is a partnership that truly began sixty years ago this
summer, on the day when the first American plane touched down at Templehof.
On that day, much of this continent still lay in ruin. The
rubble of this city had yet to be built into a wall. The Soviet shadow had
swept across Eastern Europe, while in the West, America, Britain, and France
took stock of their losses, and pondered how the world might be remade.
This is where the two sides met. And on the twenty-fourth of
June, 1948, the Communists chose to blockade the western part of the city. They
cut off food and supplies to more than two million Germans in an effort to
extinguish the last flame of freedom in Berlin.
The size of our forces was no match for the much larger
Soviet Army. And yet retreat would have allowed Communism to march across
Europe. Where the last war had ended, another World War could have easily
begun. All that stood in the way was Berlin.
And that's when the airlift began - when the largest and
most unlikely rescue in history brought food and hope to the people of this
city.
The odds were stacked against success. In the winter, a
heavy fog filled the sky above, and many planes were forced to turn back
without dropping off the needed supplies. The streets where we stand were
filled with hungry families who had no comfort from the cold.
But in the darkest hours, the people of Berlin kept the
flame of hope burning. The people of Berlin refused to give up. And on one fall
day, hundreds of thousands of Berliners came here, to the Tiergarten, and heard
the city's mayor implore the world not to give up on freedom. "There is
only one possibility," he said. "For us to stand together united
until this battle is won...The people of Berlin have spoken. We have done our
duty, and we will keep on doing our duty. People of the world: now do your
duty...People of the world, look at Berlin!"
People of the world - look at Berlin!
Look at Berlin, where Germans and Americans learned to work
together and trust each other less than three years after facing each other on
the field of battle.
Look at Berlin, where the determination of a people met the
generosity of the Marshall Plan and created a German miracle; where a victory
over tyranny gave rise to NATO, the greatest alliance ever formed to defend our
common security.
Look at Berlin, where the bullet holes in the buildings and
the somber stones and pillars near the Brandenburg Gate insist that we never
forget our common humanity.
People of the world - look at Berlin, where a wall came
down, a continent came together, and history proved that there is no challenge
too great for a world that stands as one.
Sixty years after the airlift, we are called upon again.
History has led us to a new crossroad, with new promise and new peril. When
you, the German people, tore down that wall - a wall that divided East and
West; freedom and tyranny; fear and hope - walls came tumbling down around the
world. From Kiev to Cape Town, prison camps were closed, and the doors of
democracy were opened. Markets opened too, and the spread of information and
technology reduced barriers to opportunity and prosperity. While the 20th
century taught us that we share a common destiny, the 21st has revealed a world
more intertwined than at any time in human history.
The fall of the Berlin Wall brought new hope. But that very
closeness has given rise to new dangers - dangers that cannot be contained
within the borders of a country or by the distance of an ocean. The terrorists of September 11th plotted in Hamburg and
trained in Kandahar and Karachi before killing thousands from all over the
globe on American soil.
[Clearly, Obama sets the timeline for most of the planning and training that went into the 9/11 - most of which was done during Bill Clinton's presidency. That training was fully completed before the terrorists came to this country and yet, Obama's Democrat Party continues to blame Bush 43 for 9/11 rather than presenting the truth of the matter. More importantly, he has reversed the capture and interrogate policies of the Bush years. We now know less about organized terror than before 9/11. That's a fact. The US no longer interrogates terrorists and this failing is both criminal in scope and death dealing to this country]
As we speak, cars in Boston and factories in Beijing are
melting the ice caps in the Arctic, shrinking coastlines in the Atlantic, and
bringing drought to farms from Kansas to Kenya.
Poorly secured nuclear material in the former Soviet Union,
or secrets from a scientist in Pakistan could help build a bomb that detonates
in Paris. The poppies in Afghanistan become the heroin in Berlin. The poverty
and violence in Somalia breeds the terror of tomorrow. The genocide in Darfur
shames the conscience of us all.
In this new world, such dangerous currents have swept along
faster than our efforts to contain them. That is why we cannot afford to be
divided. No one nation, no matter how large or powerful, can defeat such
challenges alone. None of us can deny these threats, or escape responsibility
in meeting them. Yet, in the absence of Soviet tanks and a terrible wall, it
has become easy to forget this truth. And if we're honest with each other, we
know that sometimes, on both sides of the Atlantic, we have drifted apart, and
forgotten our shared destiny.
In Europe, the view that America is part of what has gone
wrong in our world, rather than a force to help make it right, has become all
too common.
[Here, Obama's anti-colonial bias is more the foundation of this comment than you might think, that and sheer European jealousy. The perceived "have nots" are always envious of those who have better position. 234 years ago, the United States had nothing. No one in Europe built our roads, crafted our government, built our armies and developed our internal welfare systems.]
In America, there are voices that deride and deny the importance of
Europe's role in our security and our future.
[What in the world is he talking about? Four years later, no one really knows.]
Both views miss the truth - that
Europeans today are bearing new burdens and taking more responsibility in
critical parts of the world; and that just as American bases built in the last
century still help to defend the security of this continent, so does our
country still sacrifice greatly for freedom around the globe.
Yes, there have been differences between America and Europe.
No doubt, there will be differences in the future. But the burdens of global
citizenship continue to bind us together. A change of leadership in Washington
will not lift this burden. In this new century, Americans and Europeans alike
will be required to do more - not less. Partnership and cooperation among nations
is not a choice; it is the one way, the only way, to protect our common
security and advance our common humanity.
That is why the greatest danger of all is to allow new walls
to divide us from one another.
The walls between old allies on either side of the Atlantic
cannot stand. The walls between the countries with the most and those with the
least cannot stand.
[One of the most important facts of Obama's political bias is found in the realization that he is global redistributionist. He sees our country, the United States of America, as being the worlds "one percenters." Understand that our poverty line of $23,000 for a family of four, puts that family in the top 10% of the world's population.]
The walls between races and tribes; natives and immigrants;
Christian and Muslim and Jew cannot stand. These now are the walls we must tear
down.
We know they have fallen before. After centuries of strife,
the people of Europe have formed a Union of promise and prosperity. Here, at
the base of a column built to mark victory in war, we meet in the center of a
Europe at peace. Not only have walls come down in Berlin, but they have come
down in Belfast, where Protestant and Catholic found a way to live together; in
the Balkans, where our Atlantic alliance ended wars and brought savage war
criminals to justice; and in South Africa, where the struggle of a courageous
people defeated apartheid.
So history reminds us that walls can be torn down. But the
task is never easy. True partnership and true progress requires constant work
and sustained sacrifice. They require sharing the burdens of development and diplomacy;
of progress and peace. They require allies who will listen to each other, learn
from each other and, most of all, trust each other.
That is why America cannot turn inward. That is why Europe
cannot turn inward. America has no better partner than Europe. Now is the time
to build new bridges across the globe as strong as the one that bound us across
the Atlantic. Now is the time to join together, through constant cooperation,
strong institutions, shared sacrifice, and a global commitment to progress, to
meet the challenges of the 21st century. It was this spirit that led airlift
planes to appear in the sky above our heads, and people to assemble where we
stand today. And this is the moment when our nations - and all nations - must
summon that spirit anew.
This is the moment when we must defeat terror and dry up the
well of extremism that supports it. This threat is real and we cannot shrink
from our responsibility to combat it. If we could create NATO to face down the
Soviet Union,
[Of course, NATO did not "face down the Soviet Union' we - the United States of America - did, ala Reagan and Bush 41]
we can join in a new and global partnership to dismantle the
networks that have struck in Madrid and Amman; in London and Bali;
[Fours years after these words, today, Sept 21, 2012, we are facing the largest anti-American collective demonstration in world history. Today, demonstrations are taking place in Denmark, Germany, France, Nigeria, Kashmir, Uganda, Iran, Iraq, Yemen, Palestine, Sir Lanka, Indonesia, Thailand, Libya, Egypt, Sudan, Malaysia, Somalia, Armenia, most of southeast Asia, Pakistan, Lebanon and India. Failure is one thing. This goes beyond failure. By the time we get this idiot out of the White House, he will pulled our military presence out of nearly all the hot spots of the anti-American world and re-establishing those venues will be next to impossible. If peace if negotiated out of strength, we are all sooooo screwed]
in Washington and New York. If we could win a battle of ideas against the communists, we can stand with the vast majority of Muslims who reject the extremism that leads to hate instead of hope.
[Fours years after these words, today, Sept 21, 2012, we are facing the largest anti-American collective demonstration in world history. Today, demonstrations are taking place in Denmark, Germany, France, Nigeria, Kashmir, Uganda, Iran, Iraq, Yemen, Palestine, Sir Lanka, Indonesia, Thailand, Libya, Egypt, Sudan, Malaysia, Somalia, Armenia, most of southeast Asia, Pakistan, Lebanon and India. Failure is one thing. This goes beyond failure. By the time we get this idiot out of the White House, he will pulled our military presence out of nearly all the hot spots of the anti-American world and re-establishing those venues will be next to impossible. If peace if negotiated out of strength, we are all sooooo screwed]
in Washington and New York. If we could win a battle of ideas against the communists, we can stand with the vast majority of Muslims who reject the extremism that leads to hate instead of hope.
[To assume that the "vast majority of Muslims" on on the same page as the United States or even Europe, for that matter, it an assumption proving Obama's ignorance of the circumstance. The leadership of the Muslim world has been divided between secular Muslims and their version of the "religious right." While our "religious right" are not killers and hatemongers, the Muslim Right is. Before Obama, there was a certain "balance" between the two divides within Islam. Egypt, Libya, Yeman and Lebanon, for example, were lead by secular Islamic elements. Today, after four years of Obama's foreign policy, Lebanon stands alone, willing to allow for the free expression of non-Muslim faiths. Yemen is under assault by the Radical Muslim Jihadists, Libya's form of governance is still in doubt, but Egypt has fallen into the hands of the Muslim Brotherhood and its quest for a world governed by Shira Law. Iraq has been radicalized and joins Iran, Syria, the Palestinians, Sudan and Somalia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Indonesia and [perhaps] Thailand.
This is the moment when we must renew our resolve to rout
the terrorists who threaten our security in Afghanistan, and the traffickers
who sell drugs on your streets. No one welcomes war. I recognize the enormous
difficulties in Afghanistan. But my country and yours have a stake in seeing
that NATO's first mission beyond Europe's borders is a success.
[What he thought would happen in Afghanistan, clearly did not happen. Obama is pulling out US forces and leaving behind, a country wholly vulnerable to the radical Muslim armies of the world. In other words, he has failed in his war effort in this country, and miserably so.]
For the people
of Afghanistan, and for our shared security, the work must be done. America
cannot do this alone. The Afghan people need our troops and your troops; our
support and your support to defeat the Taliban and al Qaeda, to develop their
economy, and to help them rebuild their nation. We have too much at stake to
turn back now.
This is the moment when we must renew the goal of a world
without nuclear weapons.
[On this point, Obama promises to reduce our nuclear arsenal to zero, should he win re-election, and to do so unilaterally.]
The two superpowers that faced each other across the
wall of this city came too close too often to destroying all we have built and
all that we love. With that wall gone, we need not stand idly by and watch the
further spread of the deadly atom. It is time to secure all loose nuclear
materials; to stop the spread of nuclear weapons; and to reduce the arsenals
from another era. This is the moment to begin the work of seeking the peace of
a world without nuclear weapons.
[Too bad Russia, China, N Korea, and Iran don't agree.]
This is the moment when every nation in Europe must have the
chance to choose its own tomorrow free from the shadows of yesterday. In this
century, we need a strong European Union that deepens the security and
prosperity of this continent, while extending a hand abroad. In this century -
in this city of all cities - we must reject the Cold War mind-set of the past,
and resolve to work with Russia when we can, to stand up for our values when we
must, and to seek a partnership that extends across this entire continent.
This is the moment when we must build on the wealth that
open markets have created, and share its benefits more equitably.
[Did I mention the fact that he is a global redistributionist? Can it be stated in more precise terms than at this point in his speech?]
Trade has
been a cornerstone of our growth and global development.
[He has committed to just 3 trade agreements in the first three years of his term -- the lowest number of said agreements in modern history. Bush had 18 in the same period of time.]
But we will not be able to sustain this growth if it favors the few, and not the many. Together, we must forge trade that truly rewards the work that creates wealth, with meaningful protections for our people and our planet. This is the moment for trade that is free and fair for all.
[He has committed to just 3 trade agreements in the first three years of his term -- the lowest number of said agreements in modern history. Bush had 18 in the same period of time.]
But we will not be able to sustain this growth if it favors the few, and not the many. Together, we must forge trade that truly rewards the work that creates wealth, with meaningful protections for our people and our planet. This is the moment for trade that is free and fair for all.
This is the moment we must help answer the call for a new
dawn in the Middle East. My country must stand with yours and with Europe in
sending a direct message to Iran that it must abandon its nuclear ambitions. We
must support the Lebanese who have marched and bled for democracy, and the
Israelis and Palestinians who seek a secure and lasting peace. And despite past
differences, this is the moment when the world should support the millions of
Iraqis who seek to rebuild their lives, even as we pass responsibility to the
Iraqi government and finally bring this war to a close.
This is the moment [now that I am about to become president] when we must come together to save this
planet. Let us resolve that we will not leave our children a world where the
oceans rise and famine spreads and terrible storms devastate our lands. Let us
resolve that all nations - including my own - will act with the same
seriousness of purpose as has your nation, and reduce the carbon we send into
our atmosphere. This is the moment to give our children back their future. This
is the moment to stand as one. And this is the moment when we must give hope to those left
behind in a globalized world.
[Again, the global Obama is the very thing we all missed. What we have, here, are sound good words spoken by a man with a "spread the wealth world wide" agenda. This is expressed on a number of places in this speech. He spoke the words and moved on. Four years later, we have hell to play because of the diplomatic void that is his foreign policy.]
We must remember that the Cold War born in this city was not a battle for land or treasure. Sixty years ago, the planes that flew over Berlin did not drop bombs; instead they delivered food, and coal, and candy to grateful children. And in that show of solidarity, those pilots won more than a military victory. They won hearts and minds; love and loyalty and trust - not just from the people in this city, but from all those who heard the story of what they did here.
[Again, the global Obama is the very thing we all missed. What we have, here, are sound good words spoken by a man with a "spread the wealth world wide" agenda. This is expressed on a number of places in this speech. He spoke the words and moved on. Four years later, we have hell to play because of the diplomatic void that is his foreign policy.]
We must remember that the Cold War born in this city was not a battle for land or treasure. Sixty years ago, the planes that flew over Berlin did not drop bombs; instead they delivered food, and coal, and candy to grateful children. And in that show of solidarity, those pilots won more than a military victory. They won hearts and minds; love and loyalty and trust - not just from the people in this city, but from all those who heard the story of what they did here.
Now [ that I am about to become preside] the world will watch and remember what we do here - what
we do with this moment. Will we extend our hand to the people in the forgotten
corners of this world who yearn for lives marked by dignity and opportunity; by
security and justice?
[Of course, he is talking about various aspects of social justice, administered in a global setting.]
Will we lift the child in Bangladesh from poverty, shelter the refugee in Chad, and banish the scourge of AIDS in our time? Will we stand for the human rights of the dissident in Burma, the blogger in Iran, or the voter in Zimbabwe?
[Of course, he is talking about various aspects of social justice, administered in a global setting.]
Will we lift the child in Bangladesh from poverty, shelter the refugee in Chad, and banish the scourge of AIDS in our time? Will we stand for the human rights of the dissident in Burma, the blogger in Iran, or the voter in Zimbabwe?
[To date, Obama has done nothing in any of the three venues, named above. Glowing words are followed by . . . . . . . . . . . . . . nothing. ]
Will we give meaning to the words "never again" in Darfur?
Will we acknowledge that there is no more powerful example
than the one each of our nations projects to the world? Will we reject torture
and stand for the rule of law? Will we welcome immigrants from different lands,
and shun discrimination against those who don't look like us or worship like we
do, and keep the promise of equality and opportunity for all of our people?
People of Berlin - people of the world - this is our moment.
This is our time.
I know my country has not perfected itself. At times, we've
struggled to keep the promise of liberty and equality for all of our people.
We've made our share of mistakes, and there are times when our actions around
the world have not lived up to our best intentions.
But I also know how much I love America. I know that for
more than two centuries, we have strived - at great cost and great sacrifice -
to form a more perfect union; to seek, with other nations, a more hopeful
world. Our allegiance has never been to any particular tribe or kingdom -
indeed, every language is spoken in our country; every culture has left its
imprint on ours; every point of view is expressed in our public squares.
[As if our culture is so diverse, we have no unique contribution of our own; as if this would be wrong.]
What has always united us - what has always driven our people; what drew my father to America's shores - is a set of ideals that speak to aspirations shared by all people: that we can live free from fear and free from want; that we can speak our minds and assemble with whomever we choose and worship as we please.
[As if our culture is so diverse, we have no unique contribution of our own; as if this would be wrong.]
What has always united us - what has always driven our people; what drew my father to America's shores - is a set of ideals that speak to aspirations shared by all people: that we can live free from fear and free from want; that we can speak our minds and assemble with whomever we choose and worship as we please.
These are the aspirations that joined the fates of all
nations in this city. These aspirations are bigger than anything that drives us
apart. It is because of these aspirations that the airlift began. It is because
of these aspirations that all free people - everywhere - became citizens of
Berlin. It is in pursuit of these aspirations that a new generation - our
generation - must make our mark on the world.
People of Berlin - and people of the world - the scale of
our challenge is great. The road ahead will be long. But I come before you to
say that we are heirs to a struggle for freedom. We are a people of improbable
hope. With an eye toward the future, with resolve in our hearts, let us
remember this history, and answer our destiny, and remake the world once again.
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